After the Great Depression of 29, Franklin D. Roosevelt put on the table the New Deal.

After the Second World War, the united States promoted the Marshall Plan.

During the Cold War, faced with the risk of seduction of the communist ideology, the western leaders understood that at the second half of the TWENTIETH century had to develop a powerful State of well-being.

It seems increasingly clear that the West today needs something of this size, where size is not understood just how many points of GDP costs the idea, but your power totem, your ability to consolidate the adhesion of citizens to the shared project. Because there are large chunks of western societies that are by picking-up the social contract that has governed in recent decades.

At first glance may seem far-fetched to put on the same level as the current time and the depression 29, the Second World War or the Nerobet Cold War. But if they overcome the impact of the economic crisis of 2008, the dizzying technological revolution and the consequences of climate change, factors of agitation are sufficient to give large sectors of the citizenship to west the feeling that he will be eroding the earth under the feet. The feeling that the present is worse than the past, and the future will be worse still, rooted in large chunks of our geography, far from the hearts throbbing metropolis cosmopolitan, or the lively tourist regions. In those areas in the shade, diluted the adherence to the shared project and there is growing support to forces that antagonize more or less radical. This is a common denominator between those who support proposals nationalists —Trump, Bolsonaro, Salvini, Brexit—; desideologizadas —yellow vests, Movement 5 Stars—; and in certain measures leftists —Churches, Mélenchon and Tsipras in his time.

These citizens perceive that the system is rotten in favor of a predatory elite. Multiple facts paid that perception (think, for instance, in Spain in the remarkable volte-face by the Supreme Court in favor of the banks in the case of mortgages).

Justified or not that perception, the ruling classes would do well to take note of it and understand that they must make concessions, and significantly, if you want to preserve not as a privilege or another, but the same system. Macron, perhaps late, seems to have understood. After announcing a rise in the minimum wage of 100 euros of the night to the morning, has gathered more than 100 business leaders at the Elysee palace to let them see just that, as he has transmitted some guest. And some —the of Total, Michelin, Orange, Publicis— have reacted by announcing bonuses for employees.

The feeling is that you urgently need things that are very tangible and very inspiring. It is feared that the complex and minimal to reform the euro zone will not be those who contain the tide of discontent. Much better collagen for the common project would be a grant of unemployment on a pan-european or powerful programs to create places of research for young talents. But, above all, something that makes you feel and think about the classes dominated the ruling classes are rebalancing the system in their favor. The ruling classes need to understand that this is not to lose something. Is to throw anchor in the middle of a drift that leads to the West away from what has been in the last few decades. To a place of unknown and not necessarily better.